On Wednesday 21, after midnight, a consultant informed the president of Venezuela, Hugo Chávez, who had just arrived in Caracas for a meeting with his counterpart Nicolas Sarkozy in Paris, that the Government of Colombia had just issued a statement on its management for a humanitarian agreement with the FARC. The President thought he was referring to statements that Uribe had made after his meeting with French president-in which he had put limits on their management until December 31, "and called for the pass in the morning. The caller said that the text was nothing new routine: Uribe had canceled with immediate effect the mandate as a mediator.
Perplexed in the morning he met with Senator Piedad Cordoba. Expressed his disagreement with the decision of Uribe and especially surprised that the announcement had been made public and his Colombian counterpart because he had not personally called to prevent and explain. He said open a holding pattern, which was reflected in a statement that complied with "the sovereign decision of Colombia."
In the hours after Chavez's anger was growing before the silence. On Friday 23 began its explosive cascade of harsh statements against Uribe. Instead of the expected call from the Narino Palace in Bogota on Saturday reached 24 a 16-point statement explaining the reasons why the Government had completed mediation. The substance and form further fueled the anger of Venezuela. That night and at dawn on Sunday-made explosive allegations in turn were met with Uribe vehemently by a community council in Calamar, Bolivar. On the same day at the Palace of Miraflores was appointed a crisis committee with broad participation of the hard to Colombia: former Vice President Jose Vicente Rangel, Foreign Minister Nicolas Maduro, Deputy Foreign Minister for Latin America, Rodolfo Sanz, and the Secretary of the Board Defense of the Nation. Relations had fallen to its lowest point in years.
Attacks, accusations and epithets that the two leaders exchanged no background in the startled history of bilateral relations, which means that the crisis this week is different from the past. For one thing, the apple of discord is not an issue characteristic of the bilateral agenda, as the border dispute, for example-but Chávez's involvement in the search for contacts with the FARC. The Venezuelan president lost a valuable opportunity to project itself as a leader and a manager continental peace. And it struck him: "It was a spit in my face," he said.
tension of recent days has high personal component. Teodoro Petkoff, editor of Tal Cual startles him by referring to Venezuelan President Chavez as Ego, instead of Hugo. He added that the difficult political time for the crossing, on the eve of a referendum is not insured (see section World) led him to turn up the tone of his speech. "I got new surveys (negative for SI) and there is melted synderesis" he says.
For some time, relations between Colombia and Venezuela were left exclusively in the hands of the leaders. The informality that fits the style of both governments had become the norm. Neither the Ministry nor the embassy played a fundamental role in the management of a limited agenda on issues, but had been put aside tensions and conflicts. The committees set up years ago to address the many Colombian-Venezuelan issues had fallen into disuse. Among them, the border integration (Copiaf), the military cooperation (Combifron) y la de negociación de la delimitación marítima que está pendiente. Todo, o casi todo, dependía de las cumbres presidenciales.
El esquema informal y personalizado se había puesto en marcha para superar un periodo difícil. Uribe y Chávez habían comenzado mal, recién llegados al poder de sus respectivos países, producto de la mutua desconfianza y de las enormes diferencias ideológicas que los separan. Hasta 2005, los lazos entre Bogotá y Caracas estuvieron a prueba por una larga cadena de problemas: la captura de Rodrigo Granda en Caracas; la existencia de un supuesto complot de paramilitares colombianos contra Chávez; el retiro de Venezuela de la Comunidad Andina; las diferencias in positions on the war of George W. Bush in Iraq. Although never told him at that time Chavez to Uribe, was a potential ally of the FARC and Uribe, Chavez, an American fifth column.
After the mess caused by the capture of Granda, however, opened a period of cooperation that coincided with the re-election campaign the two leaders in 2006. A period when it suited them both done little step and show their constituents the ability to handle relationships well. Chavez even legalized thousands of Colombians who had longed for years to get his papers. Pragmatism and personal friendship took the agenda bilateral and ideological discourses he gave way to concrete practical initiatives.
cambio.com source
0 comments:
Post a Comment