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The court ruled the "Crossroads of the soul "is now defined REELECTION






Colombia became a political crossroads to another in a few hours after the Constitutional Court repealed the call for a referendum on the second re-election of Alvaro Uribe.

Thus, the court held the "crossroads of the soul" who claimed to have Uribe on a new mandate, but led to another with the start of one of the shortest presidential campaigns and intense in recent years in this country.

"anything can happen here and we are facing something unprecedented," he anticipates the BBC Napoleon Franco, director of one of the most prestigious polling firms Colombia.

The spotlight is on a half-dozen candidates who could win the presidential election, whose first round vote on May 30.

The main cards in the pack are former ministers Juan Manuel Santos, Rafael Pardo, Noemi Sanin and Martha Lucia Ramirez, the former mayor Sergio Fajardo, Enrique Peñalosa, Antanas Mockus and Luis Eduardo Garzon, the former congressman and Germain Vargas Lleras Senator Gustavo Petro.

All political analysts polled by BBC World are convinced that none of the candidates currently has more than 50 percent of the votes to win in the first round.

"I think the second round in mid-June and will, surely, Juan Manuel Santos, Uribe as representation, but do not know who will be the tab is not Uribe," says Franco.

The least important


One of the big unknowns is the role that Uribe played in the presidential election.
In this scenario, most have moved away from Uribe are Petro, of the leftist Alternative Democratic Pole PDA, Pardo, the Liberal Party and former Mayor Garzón.

Speaking to BBC World, the former Liberal minister Jaime Castro stressed that "no candidate has more than 20% of the voting intentions" and adds that when the elections are "a minimum difference is fundamental to advance to the second round. "

And that partnerships will play a lot to be in the coming days, especially after the congressional elections, which will be on March 14, when presidential candidates define the Conservative Party and the Green Party.

From other side, Senator Jorge Enrique Robledo, the PDA provides that "Uribe candidate will be conflicts between Uribe and who knows what may happen in sectors such as the Conservative Party. "

While Robledo Castro and do not give many options to the former mayor of Bogotá Peñalosa, Mockus and Garzon, who are part of the Party Green, Napoleon Franco believes that can not be dismissed that option.

"The presidential elections will be like a piñata or a raffle," insisted Castro.

Another big unknown is what role Uribe played in the campaign, despite the government announced that it will be impartial in the conflict.

Because despite the crushing defeat of the referendum in court, it is clear Uribe is still a first-rate political player in Colombia, after the governor for eight years. Bbc source

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If the high court denies the norm, will be buried a third consecutive term in the head of state.

Whatever the decision, shall be by simple majority of nine judges and the decision is final.

The discussion of the day is the seventh of nine Constitutional Court judges have done in recent weeks about the referendum law, passed by Congress in late 2009.

The debate begins at 09.00 local time (14:00 GMT) and is expected in the afternoon, the presiding judge, Mauricio Gonzalez, announce whether it is constitutional or not the law that calls for the consultation.

The decision of the court will decide whether or not Uribe can claim a second consecutive reelection.

Asked in the day by the radio network ABC stations on its position concerning the decision of the Court, Uribe responded that "in any case, I have not lost the desire (desire) to work in Colombia, from any position, any circumstances until the last day of life. "

"I wanted to make prudent for institutions democratic, in this case the Constitutional Court can devise quietly, "added the president, who for months has declined to say publicly whether or not a third term. "So under any circumstances tell the Colombians in heart, do not abandon the path ... the path of 'democratic security,'" Uribe said, referring to its security policy or battle against illegal armed groups, especially the guerrillas.

Uribe, 57, with margins of popularity above 60%, has all along.

Many experts, and most of the media take for granted that the Court Constitution, the highest body for resolving matters of the Constitution, shall act against the law because apparently the process or approval process in Congress had several flaws.

the day's discussion focused on a draft decision prepared by one of the judges, and the content although it has not been officially disclosed, would indicate that the law violated several rules query, as that was adopted at a meeting whose special call was issued subsequent to the meeting and not before, as indicated by internal rules of the House.

Already in 2005 the same Court had given the green light to an amendment to the Constitution and introduced the re-election immediately for a further term of four years.

With this modification, in 2006 Uribe won a second term of four years.

This time if the referendum goes ahead law in court, Uribe will be against two obstacles.

The first is that if the referendum is approved, the National Registry, the first Colombian-election authority will need at least two months to organize the consultation and now the National Registrar, Carlos Ariel Sánchez, said that Uribe is legally until March 12, the deadline to register as a candidate.

But also, if the query is performed, the agent need some 7.5 million votes, or 25% of the electoral roll, according to the rules covered here, for the choice of constitutional reform itself so that it is approved.

in Colombia's presidential election is 30 May. NEWS SOURCE

. COM

Dr. Et Mrs. P. Vandertramp

fight between Uribe and Chavez


On Wednesday 21, after midnight, a consultant informed the president of Venezuela, Hugo Chávez, who had just arrived in Caracas for a meeting with his counterpart Nicolas Sarkozy in Paris, that the Government of Colombia had just issued a statement on its management for a humanitarian agreement with the FARC. The President thought he was referring to statements that Uribe had made after his meeting with French president-in which he had put limits on their management until December 31, "and called for the pass in the morning. The caller said that the text was nothing new routine: Uribe had canceled with immediate effect the mandate as a mediator.

Perplexed in the morning he met with Senator Piedad Cordoba. Expressed his disagreement with the decision of Uribe and especially surprised that the announcement had been made public and his Colombian counterpart because he had not personally called to prevent and explain. He said open a holding pattern, which was reflected in a statement that complied with "the sovereign decision of Colombia."

In the hours after Chavez's anger was growing before the silence. On Friday 23 began its explosive cascade of harsh statements against Uribe. Instead of the expected call from the Narino Palace in Bogota on Saturday reached 24 a 16-point statement explaining the reasons why the Government had completed mediation. The substance and form further fueled the anger of Venezuela. That night and at dawn on Sunday-made explosive allegations in turn were met with Uribe vehemently by a community council in Calamar, Bolivar. On the same day at the Palace of Miraflores was appointed a crisis committee with broad participation of the hard to Colombia: former Vice President Jose Vicente Rangel, Foreign Minister Nicolas Maduro, Deputy Foreign Minister for Latin America, Rodolfo Sanz, and the Secretary of the Board Defense of the Nation. Relations had fallen to its lowest point in years.

Attacks, accusations and epithets that the two leaders exchanged no background in the startled history of bilateral relations, which means that the crisis this week is different from the past. For one thing, the apple of discord is not an issue characteristic of the bilateral agenda, as the border dispute, for example-but Chávez's involvement in the search for contacts with the FARC. The Venezuelan president lost a valuable opportunity to project itself as a leader and a manager continental peace. And it struck him: "It was a spit in my face," he said.

tension of recent days has high personal component. Teodoro Petkoff, editor of Tal Cual startles him by referring to Venezuelan President Chavez as Ego, instead of Hugo. He added that the difficult political time for the crossing, on the eve of a referendum is not insured (see section World) led him to turn up the tone of his speech. "I got new surveys (negative for SI) and there is melted synderesis" he says.

For some time, relations between Colombia and Venezuela were left exclusively in the hands of the leaders. The informality that fits the style of both governments had become the norm. Neither the Ministry nor the embassy played a fundamental role in the management of a limited agenda on issues, but had been put aside tensions and conflicts. The committees set up years ago to address the many Colombian-Venezuelan issues had fallen into disuse. Among them, the border integration (Copiaf), the military cooperation (Combifron) y la de negociación de la delimitación marítima que está pendiente. Todo, o casi todo, dependía de las cumbres presidenciales.

El esquema informal y personalizado se había puesto en marcha para superar un periodo difícil. Uribe y Chávez habían comenzado mal, recién llegados al poder de sus respectivos países, producto de la mutua desconfianza y de las enormes diferencias ideológicas que los separan. Hasta 2005, los lazos entre Bogotá y Caracas estuvieron a prueba por una larga cadena de problemas: la captura de Rodrigo Granda en Caracas; la existencia de un supuesto complot de paramilitares colombianos contra Chávez; el retiro de Venezuela de la Comunidad Andina; las diferencias in positions on the war of George W. Bush in Iraq. Although never told him at that time Chavez to Uribe, was a potential ally of the FARC and Uribe, Chavez, an American fifth column.

After the mess caused by the capture of Granda, however, opened a period of cooperation that coincided with the re-election campaign the two leaders in 2006. A period when it suited them both done little step and show their constituents the ability to handle relationships well. Chavez even legalized thousands of Colombians who had longed for years to get his papers. Pragmatism and personal friendship took the agenda bilateral and ideological discourses he gave way to concrete practical initiatives.

cambio.com source

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President Alvaro Uribe, who still does not say publicly if you want a third term, said goodbye Friday to the Colombian mayors at an event in which he received complaints from aldermen.

"Tell the next president of Colombia who loves them even half of what I have wanted," he told the mayors gathered at a sports center in the capital.

was not the first time Uribe made reference at the end of his second term, but has refrained from publicly expressing if or aspire to four years in office.

The Constitutional Court, a high court in Colombia to study the constitutionality of laws, discussed two weeks ago if a rule passed by Congress meets the legal requirements to hold a referendum in which Colombians say if you want to modify the Constitution to allow a third term.

The current constitution has already been amended to allow immediate reelection for four years and why Uribe won a second term in 2006. The head of state never disavowed its legislative caucus, which was discussed and approved a bill that calls for a referendum.

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STILL IN DOUBT BLACK BOOK NAZI





If any man, even vulgar, I knew telling his own life, wrote one of the greatest novels ever written. "Giovanni Papini



inexhaustible genius of the great Italian writer Giovanni Papini , whose mere presence fills almost half a century of European literature, offers us with THE BLACK BOOK, an exhibition of his prodigious talent unsurpassed, who knows how to harmonize the wildest satire with a touching lyricism, the more biting humor with the diagnosis precisely the evils of our time.
THE BLACK BOOK is a true character parade (Molotov, Picasso, Wright, Dalí, Hitler, Valery, Huxley, Marconi, Lorca, Voronov) and other wholly imaginary: its plot is the exposure of political, moral, social, psychological and theological, developed with the insight and depth of the author of "History of Christ "and" The Devil. "
Papini, in its preliminary warning, justifies the title of his work, which has some bearing on the pages of "Gog": "I put that title, chosen only for me, because the leaves of the new journal under almost every one of darkest ages of human history, or the years of the last war and postwar period. "
THE BLACK BOOK is a work that read with real passion, which subdues the outset, and can not leave until we have finished this wonderful journey through time and space.

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Meeting of the Nazi Party in Barranquilla (main activities of supporters of Hitler in Colombia), in a ceremony presided over by its chief Emil Pruefert.
Photo: Editorial Planeta, Bogotá.

Today, fifty years later, the script seems desilvanado a political satire. But historical truth: between 1941 and 1945, conspiracies against the totalitarian purposes Eduardo Santos and Liberal presidents Alfonso Lopez were almost wild. The group of conspirators, ranging from anonymous elevator to the main buildings in Bogotá until the Colombian military high command, acting under the influence of the Falange of the General, National Socialism of Hitler, fascism of Mussolini and, of course, the alureanismo of Laureano Gómez.

All attempts to overthrow the Liberal government except fragoso Pastured coup July 10, 1944 - were discovered in time: some, for the timely "breath" of a rebellious repented, others by the intelligence services Colombian and American. But why the Organization National Military National Catholic Action, the Legion and the Legion Colombian-that so-called conspiracy groups failed to shake the already turbulent political life. It was wartime and the need for the United States with respect to South America condensed into a final slogan: the uncompromising defense of the Western Hemisphere. In favor of this fact, agents of the FBI acted within the territory, and both the U.S. embassy and the State Department who saw Colombia as a hotbed of Nazi activity, due to its proximity to the Panama Canal and Hitler should have interest to control as strategic area, intervened in the internal affairs of Colombia without punches or flushes. Tertulia


Nazi. On the right, a Colombian army officer. These photographs were collected and recorded by the Colombian intelligence are preserved in the archives of the Foreign Ministry and published by the author of this article in his book "Colombia Nazi" (Planeta, 1986).




The first plot against President Santos began to take shape in May 1941 on five notebooks officer found a Presidential Guard battalion, which formed a detailed diary of the movement's activities and was discovered by Department Information of the General Staff of the Armed Forces. According to the Interior Minister, Jose Joaquin Castro Martínez, who presented a report to the senators involved in the coup were not only 11 NCOs from the Presidential Guard, but also about 200 members of the army and "numerous civilian elements", among which had the lift of the most important buildings in Bogota. Minister Castro also knew that Nazi propaganda had been found at sites of assembly and one of the elevator involved confessed that Laureano Gómez photograph hung on the walls where the conspirators met, the same source added that "the Conservative leader would be the dictator after removal of the government. " On this incident, the U.S. ambassador in Bogota, Spruille Braden, wrote to Washington: "Hitler is desperate to increase Nazi activities to the point of provoking coups in order to distract attention from the U.S. to South American countries rather focus on aid to England. Colombia's situation is not stable and I believe it will worsen. "

The idea that Laureanista wing Conservative Party, permeated by the totalitarian doctrines of Executive Colombian democracy threatened strike was a concern of liberals. Already in December 1940, José Umana Bernal, politician, poet and friend of Alfonso Lopez, trusting him to Vernon Fluharty, who, besides being his neighbor, was the third secretary at the U.S. embassy: "I am absolutely convinced that there will be a conservative-Nazi attempt come to power through a coup or revolution. I can not give specifics, but as a politician who knows what he speaks, we are convinced that the Conservative Party with the Nazi promise of aid. " Umana Bernal

not exaggerating, and was President Alfonso Lopez who bear the cross touched the constant threat of overthrow. In July 1943, when FBI boss J. informed Edgar Hoover in Washington: "The movement responsible for the revolution known as the National Organization is composed of army and navy, priests, lawyers, prominent personalities and a mass of followers from all social classes. The purpose of the movement is starting a revolution in different cities in order to establish a totalitarian regime similar to that of Franco in Spain. My source reports that the signal to begin the rolls will give a radio station in Bogota and the slogan is already fixed. "

La Voz de Colombia, which according to the FBI was "closely linked to the organ of the Conservative Party, the Century" - was the charge station transmit the slogan, but not enough to fulfill its mission because the plot was discovered and arrested the officers involved on the direct orders of President Lee. During the failed adventures, intelligence agencies knew that the chief conspirators calling you Ferreira Venancio, a doctor Barranquilla, "confessed Nazi." It was also learned that friends had read Axis ceased lists 50 guns, 11 light machine guns, cartridges 544 000 900 000 submachine guns and shotgun cartridges ..

However, there was no respite or discouragement. The group reorganized under the name National Military Action Catholic, another revolt prepared for the August 3, 1943, is say, a month later. according to agreed plans in Bogotá, I had to tune the radio conspirators army and once heard the slogan, the revolt would begin with the assassination of the commander of the Brigade of Barranquilla. As above, the attempt failed due to a repentant statement also said Laureano Gómez was one of the most radical members of the ANMC. Before year's end, the plot was revived, and new name: henceforth be called Colombian Legion. Its foundations were Catholic, anti-Semitism, nationalism, the struggle against political corruption and the resurgence parties Gran Colombia's military. The purpose: to install a provisional government totalitarian.

In the trances of the legionnaires to overthrow the government gave a report from the FBI. The agreed date was December 31 when the Te Deum, or the morning of January first, very early, when everyone was still asleep. The first outbreak would explode in Barranquilla, a general power cut, then the army would take the police station, the most liberal - and be devoted to convincing their members the benefits of the overthrow. The rebels were under orders to respect the lives and property of foreigners, but not the Jews. However, when things seemed to come, finally, by word of mouth, came to Barranquilla Jesuit priest Angel Ramirez, CEO of the Legion of Bogotá, with the news that the movement had to be postponed to January 6, 1944, as some unfaithful had warned the government of their plans and purposes. Neither did

January 6, since the accusation seemed gloating as the conspirators. Projects, then changed to February 9. That day, Colonel Luis Agudelo arrived with news of fresh capital. According to Agudelo, there were other groups as well as the Legion, interested in joining the revolution, former Finance Minister Alfonso Araújo, Carlos Arango Vélez and General Eduardo Bónitto. Also, several leaders of the Catholic Church and Academy Caro. The new plans were interrupted by the president's trip to America, as persistent rumor that Lopez would not return. But he returned and, with him at the presidential palace, recovered movement revived the enthusiasm and activity. Now, the first goal would not be the power company nor the police barracks, but the cell and the governor of the Atlantic. Airport control Soledad Avianca responsible driver, Alfonso Cuellar, Nazi confessed. Once lit the revolt in Barranquilla, Legions of the rest of the country would proceed with their plans.

adversity again fell upon the conspirators, for the February 9 Laureano Gomez was sent to prison in Bogota because, from El Siglo, had accused the government minister, Alberto Lleras Camargo, of interfering in the judicial investigation related Mamatoco murder. The Legionnaires interpreted the incident as a provocation to force officer to implement its plans, so I cited a rally in Independence Park, on 10 February at half past five in the afternoon, in protest at the imprisonment of Laureano, but just that day the politician had been released. However, Legionnaires decided that here in the park, expect the sign of La Voz de Colombia. We never expected that his call would come only a handful of people who were easily dispersed by the police.





imagen17.jpg (16,096 bytes)

Chart prepared by the FBI in 1942 over pro-Nazi sympathizers in the Colombian military. The State Department felt exaggerated these figures.
"Colombia Nazi, 1939-1945." Bogotá, Planeta, 1986.




The uprising was postponed to early March, but was canceled by notices sent by "Lucy", the alias Lucio Pabon Nunez, conservative representative Norte de Santander. But the calm was apparent and the restless, stubborn. Just a few days had passed since President Lee returned to Bogota, Barranquilla already received instructions to that legionaries activating their old habit of listening to the Voice of Colombia every day, from 7 to 8 am and 8: 30 to 10 at night. The slogans were different and would be released three days. Read as follows: The first day: "On 9 July gift to the Virgin of Chiquinquirá, the queen of Colombia, a golden scepter for all Colombians. Help you with this tribute. " The second day, confirming the key is know to hear the following message: "Editorial Jotadé makes you the best of printing from a card to a book. Workers need competent and honorable. Phone 16-25. " And as a final call, the legionnaires had to wait an almost heavenly slogan: "The Rosary save Colombia. You spread this devotion and subscribe to the magazine section air Rosary 232, Bogotá. "


This time, the rebels had decided to exclude from their payroll to general-Eduardo and Rafael E. Bónitto Pizarro-because they believed that they aspired to the presidency, but would not act without by ensuring the participation of the young officers, nor if they did not have the assistance of the German Max Groegel specializes in recognizing and identifying Jews. The signal, as always, ran on behalf of La Voz de Colombia. And also as usual, the plot was discovered and thwarted, and some Legionnaires arrested in June 1944. The new United States Ambassador, Arthur Bliss Lane, wrote to his superiors in the State Department in Washington: "President Lee, spontaneously yesterday addressed the issue of courts-martial. He said about 67 cases have been tried, some sentenced to prison and other Army discharged. There are also charges against the Voice of Colombia, accused the radio station to transmit the signals to start the revolution. The president said that although the move was widely infiltrated the army, he hoped that the situation was satisfactorily under control. " Little did

Alfonso Lopez of reality, since he had left government, Laureano Gomez, the conspiracies and conspirators, they would not give peace to his spirit. As recorded in national history, the July 10, 1944, the president was arrested and bound in an event dubbed the Colombians the coup in Pasto.




Bibliography


GALVIS SILVIA and ALBERTO DONADIO, Colombia Nazi. Bogotá, Planeta, 1986.

REPUBLIC OF COLOMBIA, In Defense of Colombian democracy. Bogotá, Imprenta Nacional, 1944.

MINISTERI0 REPUBLIC OF COLOMBIA-WAR, Tips verbal war. Bogotá, Imprenta of the General Staff, 1944.



Documents:

archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Presidency of the Republic and the Ministry of National Defense, Bogotá. National Archives, Washington (Record Group 59).
From: Credential History Magazine.
(Bogotá - Colombia). Issue 67 July 1995

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